The US trade deficit unexpectedly narrowed in August, according to the Commerce Department in a report released yesterday. Exports
were up slightly and imports down, mostly because of a reduction in oil
imports, I think, but the trade deficit was still a hefty 3.6% of GDP.
So does this mean that the rebalancing is grinding forward? Today’s New York Times is appropriately cautious:
“Officials
cannot just sit there and do nothing, and expect the rebalancing to
continue,” said C. Fred Bergsten, director of the Peterson Institute
for International Economics. Indeed, American consumers are already showing hints of their old fondness for shopping rather than saving. The
household saving rate shot up from less than 1 percent before the
crisis to more than 5 percent this spring, but it has since slipped
back to less than 4 percent. In the early 1990s, American families were
saving about 7 percent of their income — and even that was less than in
much of Asia and Europe.
Simon
Johnson, a professor of economics at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, said it was normal for a country’s trade balance to improve
during an economic downturn. “The adjustment we’re
seeing right now could be the harbinger of a real adjustment in saving
and spending, but we don’t know yet,” Mr. Johnson said. “People in emerging markets want to run big surpluses, because they want to build up reserves.”
There
clearly still is a long way to go if the US is really going to raise
its savings rate to some sustainable level, and I am afraid that part
of the necessary policies that will lead there will cause a lot of
disruption and conflict. Basically in order to raise the
savings rate the US needs to enact policies that are similar in spirit
to the policies that China has enacted especially during the past
decade – and of course which China now needs to reverse. These involve putting into place conditions that spur output growth and constrain consumption growth. The
difference between the two, of course, is the savings rate, and if
output can grow faster than consumption, by definition the US savings
rate will rise.
Given
the huge differences in the two economies, and the even bigger
differences in the accepted roles of the two governments in their
economies, the US will have to accomplish this in a very different way
than China does. The US of course cannot work to
constrain wage growth and force households to subsidize producers out
of interest income, as China seems to have done, but there are other
policies that will have the same effect.
For
example, consumption taxes, or at least much higher taxes on oil, will
have the effect of constraining consumption growth by reducing the real
value of household incomes, and if these taxes are somehow matched by
lower taxes on interest income the net effect will be to use
consumption taxes to subsidize the cost of capital for producers. These are the sorts of policies that can force a continued rebalancing in the US economy.
There is another obvious way of doing so, and this involves the currency. Last
week Jean-Claude Trichet, president of the European Central Bank warned
against the further strength of the euro against the dollar. At
roughly the same time Asian central banks, worried that the failure of
the renminbi to appreciate against the dollar would cause their
economies to lose export competitiveness, intervened heavily in the markets to slow the appreciation of their currencies against the dollar.
Meanwhile China’s press is fulminating against claims that the renminbi must be revalued. An editorial in Xinhua last week had this to say:
The
Group of Seven rich nations have again pushed developing China to
appreciate its currency, the RMB yuan, so as to promote a so-called
“more balanced growth”. On Saturday, G7 central bankers’
meeting held in Turkey’s Istanbul failed to produce any significant
boost to the world economy. Instead, they turned fire on China’s
currency, blaming it for the financial crisis.
In
so doing, the rich nations have obviously intended to shirk their due
responsibilities in the wide-spreading global financial turmoil. As it
is known to all that the current crisis has been a result of developed
countries’ lax financial regulation, excessive consumption and their
lasting monopoly on the international financial system.
They
are supposed to review loopholes in their micro-economic policies and
financial regulation. However, some of them have tried to link the
“under-evaluated” RMB exchange rate to the “global economic imbalance”,
which they said had been the major factor behind the crisis.
According
to their logic, China should appreciate the yuan considerably to cut
exports and increase imports, so that Western nations’ trade deficit
can be narrowed and “a trade balance” be achieved. They have turned a blind eye to China’s efforts to make the yuan more flexible.
All
of this highlights the fact that a depreciation in the value of the US
dollar is probably a necessary part of the adjustment process, but it
is going to be extremely difficult. Overvalued exchange rates are part of the mechanism by which the US runs a trade deficit. An
overvalued dollar increases the real value of US household income by
lowering the costs of imports while effectively taxing manufacturers in
the tradable goods sector.
This automatically forces consumption to grow faster than production and helps push the country into a trade deficit. Meanwhile countries with undervalued currencies have the opposite experience. As
the cost of imports is forced artificially high and the producers of
tradable goods are subsidized by the undervalued exchange rate, it is
no surprise that growth in production exceeds growth consumption,
leaving these countries with persistent trade surpluses.
So
if we expect the US to reduce its consumption levels relative to its
production (i.e. raise its savings rate and bring down the trade
deficit, it is reasonable toe expect the dollar to decline. In today’s
Financial Times an
editorial makes just that point:
It
would actually be rather helpful if the dollar were to weaken further.
Politicians everywhere see strong currencies as national virility
symbols, but the effect of a cheaper dollar would be to help American
exporters while making imports to the US dearer.
This
is what America – and the world – needs. In the medium term, as Mr
Summers put it earlier this year, “the rebuilt American economy must be
more export-oriented and less consumption-oriented”. In short, the US
must start living within its means, and the rest of the world must stop
relying on its profligacy.
But against what can the dollar depreciate? Europe
and Japan can make plausible arguments that their currencies are not
undervalued relative to the dollar and so they should not be forced to
bear the brunt of the dollar depreciation. Asian
countries, and especially China, have relied on undervalued currencies
as an important part of the package of policies aimed at spurring
domestic growth and high domestic savings rates, and because the
decline in US imports has already proved very painful, they are
insisting that they should be forced to bear any more of the cost of
dollar depreciation. The FT editorial continues:
This
is the prospect that has worried monetary authorities in Asia. The
central banks of South Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines and Thailand have
intervened in markets in the past week to bolster the dollar’s strength
against their currencies. They are trying to slow the pace of any such
rebalancing.
That
is understandable: this type of reordering of the world economy would
be enormously disruptive for these export-led countries, since their
economic strategy is to sate the appetites of the consumption-led
countries.
Everyone
seems to agree that as part of the necessary global rebalancing the US
will have to reduce its net imports, and this will be achieved in part
by a depreciation in the value of the dollar, but everyone also seems
to agree just as fervently that any reduction of the US trade deficit
should not come at their expense, but rather at the expense of the rest
of the world. Europe says it is Asian that must appreciate, Asians implicitly insist that it is Europe that must appreciate. It doesn’t take a PhD to see the mathematical difficulty.
Like
in the 1930s, every country wants to devalue its currency relative to
the currencies of its trading partners in order to boost domestic
employment and take a larger share of foreign demand. But as we learned in the 1930s, it is by definition impossible for everyone to improve export competitiveness by devaluing.
So how will the disagreements be resolved? Almost certainly by an increase in trade conflicts. What
many of the global participants have probably forgotten is that in a
world of contracting demand, it is countries who control net demand who
are in the strongest position to determine the outcome of a fight over
trade. If the dollar is not allowed to depreciate in an
orderly way against the currencies of all of its trading partners,
trade tensions have no way to go but up.
Evidence? How about this, in an article in Thursday’s Financial Times:
The
US Department of Commerce announced on Wednesday it would launch an
investigation into the import of seamless steel pipes from China, a
move which could lead to new duties imposed and strain already sour
trade relations between Washington and Beijing.
The
US investigations, which could lead to a 98.7 per cent duty on Chinese
steel pipes imports, came shortly after a European Union decision to
impose anti-dumping tariffs on the same category of products.
Or this, in another
Financial Times article published the same day:
Global
trade tensions ratcheted up on Thursday as the US opened an
investigation into Chinese steel imports and clashed with the European
Union over chickens.
…The
US has long complained that the EU has blocked chicken meat washed with
chlorine and other chemicals from sale in Europe, despite both US and
European scientific agencies concluding that such treatments were safe
for consumers. But a panel of the chief veterinary officers of the EU
member states rejected the treatments late last year. The outgoing Bush
administration started legal proceedings against the EU in January, and
negotiations since have failed to resolve the issue.
A
European Commission spokesman said that litigation was not the
appropriate way to deal with such complex issues. ”However, since the
US has chosen this path, we will defend our food safety legislation,”
the spokesman said.
The
fact is that these trade disputes are not going to go away, and because
each side has legitimate complaints, or at least what seems like
legitimate complaints to domestic audiences, without serious global
coordination (don’t hold your breath) the only very likely outcome is
even more trade disputes. And these are disputes which
will be won by the country or countries that control the one resource
everyone in the world wants: net demand. This means that
if surplus countries don’t allow for a rapid and orderly adjustment of
the imbalances, which will require a rise in the value of their
currencies among other things, the same thing will be achieved by trade
conflict.
What are the prospects? I
guess regular readers of my blog will be disappointed if I don’t show
myself to be a pessimist, but in fact anyway I think the prospects for
an orderly resolution are weak. I am not knowledgeable
enough about other countries, but it seems to me that China certainly
is not prepared for the cost of the adjustment and will continue trying
to postpone it. Yesterday Liu Mingkang, chairman of the China Banking Regulatory Commission, told a conference in
Hong Kong that “It’s far too early to talk about an exit strategy”,
which I interpret to mean that the investment-driven stimulus package
is going to continue. He said that Beijing did not need to
rescue the banking system, and the measures it has taken to boost
investment and to support the infrastructure sector were to help the
economy. Of course he also said that he believes the banking sector is sound, so maybe he is just kidding.
For those of you who are able and willing to follow the complex world of chemicals, there is a related and very interesting article by John Richardson on ICIS news, a chemical industry publication (you can also find it here). He says:
Low
density polyethylene imports into China were up by 85% in the first
eight months of this year compared with the same period in 2008,
according to International Trader Publications Inc, a provider of trade
data and analysis on chemicals and polymers.
Benzene imports increased by 185%, polyvinyl chloride by 138% and methanol by 431%. These
latter two statistics are the result of weaker economics of coal-based
production as well as re-stocking and stronger demand.
“Year-to-date
totals were up for every commodity polymer, engineering polymer and
major organic we follow except expandable and non-expandable
polystyrene, polyacetals, polycarbonate and ethylene dichloride,” said
Jean Sudol, president of ITP.
This
implies high inventories in not just PE – the only polymer in which we
gained clear evidence through a survey among 85 distributors and
end-users carried out by a major Asian producer. It’s
easy to overcomplicate things but to put it simply, it seems impossible
that this extraordinary surge in imports has gone into a sufficient
increase in finished-goods sales to prevent some major dislocations.
All
you have to do to reach this conclusion is look at real consumption
growth (not the misleading retail sales figures) versus the decline in
exports to work out that a lot of overstocking is likely to have
occurred. This would be at the chemical and polymer levels and in warehouses full of unsold washing machines and refrigerators etc.
I
am no expert on the chemical industry, and so perhaps I am misreading
his piece, but this doesn’t sound like an industry that is readying
itself for a world of contracting US demand.
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